By Steven N. Dworkin
This background of the Spanish lexicon is written from the interacting views of linguistic and cultural swap and within the mild of advances within the learn of language touch and lexical swap. the writer describes the language inherited from spoken Latin within the Iberian Peninsula in the course of six centuries of Roman career and examines the measure to which it imported phrases from the languages - of which simply Basque survives - of pre-Roman Spain. He then indicates how Germanic phrases have been imported both in some way via Latin or outdated French or without delay via touch with the Visigoths. He describes the importation of Arabisms following the eighth-century Arab conquest of Spain, distinguishing these documented in medieval resources from these followed for daily use, a lot of which continue to exist in glossy Spanish. He considers the effect of outdated French and previous Provencal and identifies overdue direct and oblique borrowings from Latin, together with the Italian parts taken up in the course of the Renaissance. After outlining minor affects from languages reminiscent of Flemish, Portuguese, and Catalan, Professor Dworkin examines the results at the lexicon of touch among Spanish and the indigenous languages of South and critical the USA, and the impression of touch with English. The booklet is aimed toward complicated scholars and students of Spanish linguistics and may curiosity experts in Hispanic literary and cultural reviews.
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Extra info for A History of the Spanish Lexicon: A Linguistic Perspective
Occasional lexical items appear in Latin texts. The chapter dedicated to mining techniques in the provinces of northern Spain in Book 23 of Pliny the Elder’s Historia naturalis offers in Latinized garb such pre-Roman words as arrugia ‘shaft and pit in a gold mine’, corrugus (which seems to share the same root as the preceding word, so may explain the masculine gender of the Spanish and Portuguese reﬂexes of ARRUGIA, namely arroyo/arroio) ‘canal, water conduit in a mine’, segutillum ‘a kind of earth which was supposed to indicate the presence of gold’, apitascudis ‘gold dust’ (Oroz 1996: 210), tasconium ‘a white clay-like kind of earth’, gangadia ‘a hard mixture of earth and clay’, palagae ‘gold ingots’, talut[at]ium ‘superﬁcial indication of gold under the earth’, urium ‘mud dragged by water’ (possibly related to Basque ur ‘water’), striges ‘a small clump of gold’, thieldones ‘type of Spanish horse’ (for a discussion of the origins of these terms see Oroz 1996 and Adams 2003: 450–54, 2007: 235–37).
4 Basque and Celtic loanwords Words that can be securely related to documented Basque forms pose a major chronological problem. Basque and its ancestral variants have been in contact with spoken Latin and its Hispano-Romance continuations for over two millennia6. It may often be difﬁcult to determine if a word of Basque origin entered the language during the period of the Roman occupation (a time when numerous Latin words entered varieties of Basque) or during the subsequent medieval period of Basque–Romance contact, a situation which many experts believe led to the particular linguistic conﬁgurations of Castilian visà-vis neighboring varieties of Hispano-Romance (Echenique Elizondo 1987, and, from a polemical and extreme perspective, López García 1985).
The speakers of the pre-Roman languages initiated the decision to abandon the use of their native tongues. 1 It is reasonable to assume that some Roman soldiers acquired a working knowledge of some of the local languages through extended contact with the native populations and marriage with local women. There is no evidence concerning language choice and use in households consisting of Roman soldiers and native women in the early years of the Roman presence, or on the nature of the language learned by the children born in such marriages.